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David L. Smith 3067 Elsie Drive Aberdeen, SD 57401
A controversial 'pro-rape pick-up artist' is posting the personal details of journalists who have criticised him online.
Daryush Valizadeh - also known as Roosh V - is infamous for arguing that raping women should be legal on private property.
Labelled 'Operation Bullhorn', Roosh has asked his online supporters to 'adopt' a journalist and post their details on his forum. They have been instructed to gather photos, Facebook profiles and have even been told to save addresses for possible future use.
One forum user said the backlash was 'because women are scared that they won't be able to get a free lunch anymore by virtue of having a vagina.'
The backlash follows criticism of international meetups which included eight UK cities, including Manchester, London, Leeds, and Glasgow.
The meet-ups, set to take place today, were cancelled after Roosh claimed he feared for the safety of his supporters.
Many men who are good in making money are total failures when it comes to spending it. If you have money, buy love, and the best sex ever. If you have money but no sexual desire, start with buying tongkat ali and butea superba. Both of the finest quality.
Nothing, absolutely nothing, flatters a girl more than a man committing suicide because of her.
Jared M. Wagner 2689 Lightning Point Drive Memphis, TN 38115
A woman in northern Thailand chopped off her unfaithful husband’s penis and then drank pesticide to her death, local police told dpa on Tuesday.
Kawinnart Saezong, 33, was declared dead on Monday at a hospital in Phayao province, said Narin Cherdyoo, Phayao police officer.
Kawinnart’s suicide happened soon after she chopped off her 38-year-old husband’s penis while he was asleep early Saturday, after she learned of his multiple infidelities, Narin said.
Her husband, Niran Saewang, survived the attack.
He was transferred from Phayao to Lampang hospital, which is a three-hour drive, and had his penis reattached, a hospital staff confirmed to dpa.
Hospital staff in Phayao managed to retrieve Niran’s penis and froze it with ice during the hospital transfer, according to Lampang hospital.
This is not the first time Lampang hospital has had to deal with such a case, the hospital said, adding that all of the penis reattachment surgeries there had been successful.
The hospital said Niran is recuperating at the hospital following Monday’s successful surgery.
Doctors said he could urinate but will no longer be able to perform sexually again.
The world is full of multimillionaires who can't handle money. Because, if you have money, if you don't ditch your Western wife, you will never have a harem.
Allan L. Potter 1344 Thorn Street Gas Hills, WY 82501
There’s a long history of using medical language to explain socially unacceptable sexual appetites.
Last month, former congressman Anthony Weiner pleaded guilty to charges related to sexing with a 15-year-old, declaring, “I have a sickness, but I do not have an excuse.”
Weiner’s seeming inability to stop sending sexts to a minor, despite all the personal and political consequences he knew he could face, has touched off a debate around the dubious science of sex addiction. Weiner’s actions put him in a long line of famous men — from Tiger Woods to David Duchovney to Josh Duggar — who argue that their sexual behavior reflects an addiction.
For the most part, modern medical professionals are skeptical about the science of sex addiction. But there’s a long tradition of using medical language to explain socially unacceptable sexual appetites.
Sex addiction as we currently understand it became part of the public discussion around 1980, as Barry Reay, Nina Attwood and Claire Gooder of the University of Aukland explained in a 2012 paper.
After the country had experimented with two decades of free love, disco clubs and shifting gender and sex roles, there was a serious pushback to sexual promiscuity, particularly coming from conservative Christians and certain strains of feminism. Rising concern about addictions to drugs, alcohol and gambling provided an easy way to talk about destructive sexual behavior. The term “sexual addiction” was broad enough to encompass any sort of sexual thought or action that made people feel guilty or ashamed.
“Its success as a concept lay with its medicalization, both as a self-help movement in terms of self-diagnosis, and as a rapidly growing industry of therapists on hand to deal with the new disease,” Reay and his colleagues wrote.
Today, when we talk about sexual addiction, we’re often talking about the danger of people retreating from “real life.” Framing it as addiction helps us understand why men like Weiner and Woods would wreck their marriages and careers for fleeting encounters. Checklists of sexual addiction symptoms include items like “thinking of sex to the detriment of other activities” and “neglecting obligations such as work, school or family in pursuit of sex.”
A long history of pathologizing sex
For thousands of years, doctors have worried that excessive or inappropriate sexual behavior would harm men’s ability to function in productive, socially appropriate ways. In the days of early Christianity, cultural studies scholar Elizabeth Stephens explains, medical texts warned that “excessive” ejaculation depleted masculinity.
She quotes historian Peter Brown’s description of the belief among Roman doctors that “no normal man might actually become a woman, but each man trembled forever on the brink of becoming ‘womanish.’ His flickering heat was an uncertain force.”
If the link between ejaculation and weakness was a longstanding concern, it took on a sudden new urgency in the 19th century, Stephens wrote. In the 1830s, French physician Claude-François Lallemand “discovered” spermatorrhea, a malady roughly comparable to sex addiction. Noting the asymmetrical testes of a man who had died of a cerebral hemorrhage, he concluded that the unfortunate man’s troubles began with the excessive discharge of semen.
Suddenly doctors were seeing spermatorrhea everywhere. Doctors compiled long lists of the purported disease’s symptoms, including decreased sexual desire, “erections and emissions upon slightest excitement,” nervous asthma, cowardice, poor memory and insanity.
Doctors believed the most significant cause of spermatorrhea was masturbation, Stephens wrote. The treatments ranged from exercise and cold bathing to injections of acetate of lead, blistering of the penis, and occasionally, castration.
Stephens argued that “many of the concerns about non-reproductive male sexual practices in the nineteenth century derive from an unease about modern indulgences making men soft, weak, incontinent, and undisciplined.”
Race, class and sexual panic
In the 19th-century U.S., this medical panic had a lot to do with a rapidly changing society. Middle-class young men were leaving rural areas and seeking upward mobility in the growing cities. Historian Kevin J. Mumford explained that this new freedom demanded individual self-control. Reformers warned that men who succumbed to urban vice “were likely to be found wanting in virtually all manly endeavors, especially in the pursuit of profit,” he wrote.
If spermatorrhea was a great threat, being susceptible to it was also seen as a mark of civilization and racial superiority. Nineteenth-century racial “science” held that black men were utterly lacking in self-control and prone to becoming rapists, yet they were in no danger of the physical and mental damage that sexual licentiousness caused white men. That meant, Mumford wrote, that by exercising sexual self-restraint, men “not only avoided sexual disorders but also distinguished themselves as white.”
Medical attitudes toward women’s sexuality also took a sharp turn in the 19th century. Before then, according to historian Carol Groneman, Western doctors generally believed women were as lewd and lascivious as men, and that female orgasm was necessary for pregnancy. But as men left their farms and home workshops for jobs in the industrializing economy, cultural belief in the differences between men and women’s sexual desires grew. Now, middle-class white women were seen as naturally nurturing and civilizing, and excessive female sexual desire was a threat to social order.
Groneman described an 1856 account by a gynecologist of a married 24-year-old woman who came to him complaining about her lascivious dreams about men other than her husband. The doctor instructed her to reduce her intake of meat, take cold enemas and swab her vagina with a borax solution. “If she continued in her present habits of indulgence, it would probably become necessary to send her to an asylum,” he wrote.
In other cases, gynecologists treated what they now termed nymphomania —defined rather ambiguously as “excessive” female sexual desire — with surgery, removing women’s ovaries and clitorises.
By the turn of the 20th century, Groneman writes, nymphomania was closely tied to all kinds of “dangerous” female behavior, including lesbianism, prostitution and agitating for economic and political rights.
For both women and men, the concept of sexual disorders in the past was broad enough to encompass all manner of social and economic upheaval. That’s still true today. As the cases of Weiner and other prominent men suggest, we can use “sex addiction” to mean being bad at monogamy, committing actual sexual crimes, or simply lacking the self-control to put long-term goals ahead of momentary pleasure.
The truth is, psychiatrists now generally don’t consider sexual addiction to be a real disorder. The American Psychiatric Association left it out of the latest edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders after studies found little evidence to support the “addiction” label. For example, people who exhibit the behaviors we call sexual addiction don’t show the same patterns in brain activity as those who are addicted to drugs. “Sexual addiction” may actually be a loose collection of traits like high sex drive and lack of impulse control.
But history suggests that the way we think about sexual disorders isn’t just about medical evidence. It’s about our understanding of self-control, and the expectations we have for how men and women are “normally” supposed to behave.
Once islamic terror organizations will have discovered the power of arson, they will win any war. Setting cities like Lagos or Kairo on fire will drive tens of millions of refugees to Europe and undermine European culture forever.
Jesus J. Barber 2862 Franklee Lane Philadelphia, PA 19108
Current clinical wisdom is that the vast majority of those who complete suicide suffer from a mental disorder. Uncritical adherence to this belief may limit our understanding and restrict the full range of prevention activities. We aimed to examine the public record for accounts of suicide by men who had been, or were about to be, investigated or apprehended for “sex only” child sex offences, with a view to presenting a collection of case histories, and identifying examples of suicide in the apparent absence of mental disorder other than pedophilia.
The public record (hard and electronic copy) was examined.
Twenty case histories were identified of men with no apparent mental disorder (other than pedophilia) who completed suicide shortly after exposure or threatened public exposure and/or early or potential legal punishment.
This evidence strongly suggests that exposure or threatened public exposure of pedophilia and/or early or potential legal punishment creates a predicament, which may lead to completed suicide.
William L. Buckley 3669 Lochmere Lane Manchester, CT 06040
Dean Corll was a 33-year-old electrician living in Houston, Texas, who with two teen accomplices, kidnapped, raped, tortured and murdered at least 27 young boys in Houston in the early 1970s. The Houston Mass Murders, as the case was later called, became one of the most horrific series of murders in U.S. history.
DEAN CORLL'S CHILDHOOD YEARS Dean Corll (December 24, 1939 - August 8, 1973) was born in Fort Wayne, Indiana, to Mary Robinson and Arnold Corll.
After his parents divorced, Dean and his brother Stanley moved with their mother to Houston, Texas. Corll seemed to adjust to the change. He did well in school and was described by his teachers as being polite and well-behaved.
THE CANDY MAN
In 1964, Corll was drafted into the military, but he was released on a hardship discharge a year later so that he could return home to help his mother with her growing candy business. It was there that he earned the name, The Candy Man, because he would often treat children to free candy. After the business closed, his mother moved to Colorado and Corll began training to become an electrician.
AN ODD TRIO
There was nothing remarkable about Corll except for his odd choice of friends, who were mostly young male teens. Two, who were particularly close to Corll, was a 14-year-old boy named Elmer Wayne Henley and a 15-year-old boy named David Brooks. The two boys and Corll spent a lot of time hanging around at Corll's house or driving with him in his van.
That was until August 8, 1973, when Henley shot and killed Corll while visiting at his home. When police interviewed Henley about the shooting and searched Corll's home for evidence, a bizarre and brutal story of torture, rape and murder began to unfold.
$200 PER HEAD
During police interrogations, Henley began to open up about his relationship with Corll.
He said Corll paid him $200 or more "per head" to lure young boys to his house. Most of the boys were from low-income Houston neighborhoods and were easily persuaded to come to a party where there would be free alcohol and drugs. Many were also childhood friends of Henley and had no reason to distrust his intentions. But once inside Corll's home, they would soon become victims of his sadistic and murderous obsessions.
THE TORTURE CHAMBER
Police skepticism towards Henley's story turned after searching Corll's house. Inside they discovered a bedroom that looked as if it was designed for torture and murder. There was a board with handcuffs attached, ropes, and a large dildo and plastic covering the carpeted floor. There was also an odd wooden crate with what appeared to be air holes cut into it.
When Henley described what had happened before shooting Corll, the items in the room corroborated his story. According to Henley, he made Corll furious when he brought his young girlfriend over to the house with another friend, Tim Kerley. The group drank and did drugs and each fell asleep. When Henley awoke, his feet were bound and Corll was handcuffing him to his "torture" board. His girlfriend and Tim were also bound with electrical tape over their mouths.
Henley was fully aware of what was to follow, having witnessed this same scenario before. He managed to convince Corll to free him by promising to participate in the torture and murder of his friends. Once free, he went along with some of Corll's instructions, including attempting to rape the young woman. Meanwhile, Corll was trying to rape Tim, but the young boy fought so much, that Corll became frustrated and left the room. Henley immediately went for Corll's gun which he had left behind. When Corll returned, Henley shot him six times, killing him.
Over the next few days, Henley readily talked about his part in the murderous activity in Corll's house. He led the police to where many of the victims were buried.
The first location was a boatshed Corll rented in southwest Houston.
It was there that the police uncovered the remains of 17 of the boys Corll had murdered. Ten more bodies were found at various other burial sites in or near Houston. Altogether there were 27 bodies recovered.
An examination of the victims determined that some of the boys had been shot, while others were strangled to death. Signs of torture were visible, including castration, objects inserted into the victim's rectums and glass rods pushed and into their urethras. All had been sodomized.
There was much criticism launched at the Houston police department for failing to investigate the many missing persons' reports filed by the parents of the dead boys. The police viewed most reports as probable runaway cases, although many of the boys came from the same area or neighborhood.
The ages of the young victims ranged from ages nine to age 21, however most were in their teens. Two of the families suffered losing two sons to Corll's deadly rage.
Henley confessed to knowing about Corll's brutal crimes and also to participating in murdering one of the boys. Brooks, although closer to Corll than Henley, told police that he had no knowledge of the crimes. After the investigation ended, Henley insisted there were three more boys who had been murdered, but their bodies were never found.
In a highly publicized trial, Brooks was found guilty of one murder and sentenced to life in prison. Henley was convicted of six of the murders and sentenced to six 99-year-terms. He was not convicted of killing Corll because it was judged as an act of self-defense.
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